+ Contact
+ Harta site
CAUTARE
Go
+ homepage + CURSURI + SERVICII + TURISM + EDITURA + Cercetare

+ Home
EDITURA IRECSON

+ ISTORIE
+ RELATII PUBLICE
+ FORMARE PROFESIONALA
+ MARKETING
+ SPIRITUALITATE
+ ECONOMIE
+ RESURSE UMANE
+ TURISM
+ POLITIC
+ JURIDICO-ECONOMIC
+ TERAPII NECONVENTIONALE
TIPAR DIGITAL


CONTACT



EDITURA IRECSON: > ISTORIE
ROMÂNIA – ACUM ORI NICIODATÃ! Un model de guvernare care salveazã România

Autor:Prof. dr. Tudor Olimpius Bompa Prof. dr. Dumitru Porojan
An aparitie:2010
Nr pagini:288
Format:16,5 x 23,5 cm
ISBN:978-973-7694-74-4
Pret: 20.00 lei
cumpr
România – acum ori niciodatã este dezvãluirea, departe de a fi completã, a racilelor unei societãþi profund bolnave, societatea pe care au creat-o cei 40 de ani de comunism ºi cei 20 de ani de post-comunism, ºi în acelaºi timp configurarea unei societãþi pe care stã în puterea noastrã, a tuturor, sã o creãm. Aceastã dimensiune dublã, care înseamnã ºi pendularea permanentã între trecut-prezent ºi viitor, ne-a fãcut sã alegem efigia lui Ianus Bifrons, zeul roman cu douã feþe, drept simbol al demersului nostru. Incursiunile în evoluþia politicii ºi a economiei mondiale ne-au dat posibilitatea sã analizãm de unde am plecat, ce a fost pozitiv sau negativ în evoluþia lor pe parcursul istoriei umane, pentru a avea o idee clarã privind reformele ºi schimbãrile politico-administrative necesare pentru realizarea unui sistem politic superior ºi mai eficient de guvernare a României. Printre cele mai importante concluzii care se impun: politicul ºi ideologiile unor partide politice au avut urmãri devastatoare asupra lumii ºi a istoriei mondiale; sistemele politico-economice socialiste au fost invariabil falimentare; implicarea politicului in economie a avut drept rezultat repetate crize ºi dezastre economice. Analiza principalelor tipuri de sisteme de guvernare democratice (democraþia parlamentarã, de tip prezidenþial ºi de tip parlamentar, monarhia constituþionalã ºi democraþia directã) ne-au dus la concluzia superioritãþii democraþiei directe, al cãrei model poate fi considerat sistemul elveþian. Celelalte sisteme au dezavantaje majore, uºor de observat mai ales în contextul actualei crize economice mondiale. Analiza se extinde asupra democraþiei parlamentare româneºti, ale cãrei neajunsuri sunt principala cauzã a dezastrului politic, economic, social, cultural ºi uman în care se gãseºte România astãzi. Democraþia parlamentarã: un eºec total al politicii româneºti În toatã aceastã perioadã de democraþie parlamentarã, politicienii români sunt prinºi cu totul într-un rãzboi politic inter-partinic steril, risipind în acest scop sute/mii de ore, uitând cã rolul lor este unul legislativ ºi de administrare/guvernare a României. În loc sã se ocupe de interesul þãrii, „aleºii noºtri” se luptã pentru a-ºi satisface orgoliile supra-dimensionate. În democraþia parlamentarã din România, alegerile naþionale sunt un „corn al abundenþei”. Se promite totul, dar respectarea promisiunilor este o raritate. Între douã alegeri, electoratul român nu are nicio pârghie sã influenþeze deciziile reprezentanþilor aleºi de el în Parlament. De aceea „aleºii noºtri” cred ca „rolul vostru este sã ne alegeþi, iar al nostru sã decidem ce dorim”. „Aleºii noºtri” sunt doar niºte carieriºti politici, interesaþi în exclusivitate de privilegiile ºi beneficiile ce decurg din aceastã profesie: salarii mari, pensii nesimþite, maºinã la scarã, ºofer, gardã de corp, prime, compensaþii etc. Mai mult, Parlamentul României nu este funcþional, fiindcã interesul „aleºilor noºtri” este doar sã beneficieze economic de poziþia de putere pe care o deþin: devin intermediari în anumite afaceri, faciliteazã contra cost afaceri pentru investitorii strãini etc. Cum altfel pot fi explicate averile lor fabuloase, care sfideazã atât legea, cât ºi bunul-simþ? Politicienii români profesioniºti sunt corupþi ºi nu au nici mãcar culoare politicã: totul este de vânzare pentru ei ºi nu recunosc decât culoarea banului. De asemenea au politizat sistemul nostru juridic, blocând deferirea în justiþie a marilor corupþi. În sistemul democraþiei parlamentare din România s-a produs o rãsturnare a valorilor: oamenii valoroºi sunt obstrucþionaþi pentru a ajunge în Parlament de cãtre persoane corupte, imorale ºi incompetente, care de multe ori au ºi dosare penale. Dacã ar trebui sã tragem o concluzie despre democraþia parlamentarã din România, putem afirma cã guvernanþii, parlamentarii ºi clienþii lor politici au jefuit þara, au vândut-o bucatã cu bucatã, au distrus mediul, economia, justiþia, învãþãmântul, sãnãtatea, cultura. Caracteristicile lor principale sunt: corupþia la toate nivelurile, demagogia, incompetenþa, îmbogãþirea etalatã cu cinism, nesimþirea, incultura, mitocãnia. Am ajuns datoritã lor o þarã a nimãnui, un fel de colonie pe care nu o recunoaºte nimeni, dar pe care toþi o storc ºi o manipuleazã dupã voie. S-a vândut tot: bogãþiile subsolului ºi ale solului, flota, întreprinderi profitabile, regii autonome strategice (energie electricã, apã, comunicaþii). Au fost terfelite drepturile românilor în toate modurile posibile. În loc sã ne îndreptãm spre civilizaþie, sã progresãm economic, social ºi cultural, ne îndreptãm vertiginos spre prãpastie, nivelul de trai scade continuu, iar capacitãþile intelectuale, specialiºti de valoare din diverse domenii pãrãsesc din ce în ce mai mult þara. De aceea ne întrebãm: de ce avem nevoie de partide politice, de politicieni, de cele douã camere ale Parlamentului, când interesul ºi prioritãþile „aleºilor noºtri” nu sunt electoratul ºi creºterea economicã a României, ci doar interesele personale sau ale partidului pe care îl reprezintã? Starea actualã a þãrii Fãcând o analizã a situaþiei din România, constatãm cã guvernarea þãrii este un amalgam de haos ºi incompetenþã, fãrã planuri de dezvoltare pe termen mediu ºi lung, unde corupþia politicã ºi economicã afecteazã creºterea economicã ºi implicit nivelul de trai. Din aceastã cauzã, credibilitatea ºi imaginea României în Uniunea Europeanã ºi în lume sunt vizibil afectate. Am numit acþiunile de distrugere iresponsabilã a þãrii violuri. Ele au fost întreprinse în mod deliberat asupra României de politicienii post-decembriºti ºi de acoliþii lor economici: violul oligarhilor politico-economici, violul guvernanþilor ºi al „aleºilor noºtri”, violul asupra resurselor naþionale ale României, violul „cãpuºelor” ºi al „lipitorilor”, violul aparatului birocratic, violul asupra justiþiei, violul asupra sãnãtãþii, violul asupra capacitãþilor intelectuale, violul þiganilor asupra României, violul împotriva limbii române. Ar fi nedrept sã nu recunoaºtem rolul mass-media de a monitoriza ºi de a dezvãlui multe din ilegalitãþile fãcute de politicieni, dar nu putem trece cu vederea cã toate tipurile de mass-media din România au avut o contribuþie importantã la manipularea cetãþenilor, la crearea unor false valori ºi false percepþii. Media independentã tinde sã disparã cu totul, locul ei fiind luat de mari trusturi mediatice, care uneori fac parte din corporaþii, naþionale ºi internaþionale, care au alte scopuri decât informarea corectã a publicului românesc sau educarea lui. Sindicatele au devenit, de asemenea, în România, unelte politice (liderii sindicali s-au îmbogãþit ºi au ajuns în importante funcþii politice), fiind departe de a apãra interesele reale ale angajaþilor pe care îi reprezintã. De aceea, propunem desfiinþarea lor, deoarece într-o societate aºezatã pe baze economico-sociale corecte, interesele angajaþilor sunt apãrate prin alte mecanisme. Constatând toate aspectele grave ale societãþii româneºti de astãzi, am ajuns la o singurã concluzie: AªA NU SE MAI POATE ! Necesitatea reformãrii sistemului economic ºi politic din România Dacã analizãm istoria României din ultimii 100 de ani, constatãm cã numai în perioada 1920-1939 a existat o stabilitate politicã ºi economicã. Dupã ce s-a înfãptuit reîntregirea României în graniþele ei fireºti, Regele Ferdinand a iniþiat o serie de reforme care au avut drept rezultat cel mai mare progres economic, educaþional ºi cultural. Oameni de mare valoare din acea perioadã au reuºit sã impunã România ca a ºaptea putere economicã a Europei. ªi acest lucru s-a realizat în doar 20 de ani. Deci se poate. Situaþia dezastruoasã de astãzi a României face necesarã adoptarea de urgenþã a unor reforme, începând cu depolitizarea ºi de-ideologizarea societãþii. Partidele politice, acest „rãu necesar”, nu-ºi mai justificã existenþa în societate. Eliminarea partidelor ºi de-politizarea societãþii ar reprezenta de fapt recâºtigarea libertãþii cetãþeneºti din mâinile politicienilor profesioniºti. Politicienii s-au fãcut vinovaþi de contribuþie majorã la dezastrul þãrii, nepãsare faþã de interesul naþional, de lipsã de respect pentru electorat, de fapte grave de corupþie ºi de incompetenþã crasã. Reformarea ºi modernizarea României se pot realiza prin urmãtoarele mãsuri: eliminarea partidelor politice ºi de-ideologizarea þãrii; introducerea democraþiei directe; modernizarea României (adoptarea unor mecanisme economice eficiente, eliminarea evaziunii fiscale, reducerea fiscalitãþii, privatizarea tuturor organismelor ºi agenþiilor naþionale, descentralizarea administraþiei publice ºi stabilirea clarã ºi precisã a surselor de venit pentru guvern, prefecturi ºi primãrii, introducerea ordinii ºi a eficacitãþii în verificarea cheltuielilor guvernului, ale prefecturilor ºi ale primãriilor locale, modernizarea totalã a activitãþii sectorului de administraþie publicã, introducerea standardelor de cost ºi calitate, reformarea ºi depolitizarea sistemului judiciar, modernizarea învãþãmântului de toate gradele, modernizarea infrastructurii). Aplicarea reformelor ar avea drept rezultat: simplificarea activitãþilor organizatorice, politice ºi administrative ale þãrii, reducerea cheltuielilor bugetare, dezvoltarea în regim de urgenþã, prin utilizarea fondurilor astfel economisite, a infrastructurii, a educaþiei ºi a sãnãtãþii publice, scãderea deficitului bugetar, creºterea nivelului de trai. Este, de asemenea, necesarã implementarea unei strategii pe termen mediu ºi lung a politicii internaþionale a României, adaptate noilor condiþii, de schimbare a echilibrului de forþe pe scena politicã mondialã. România trebuie sã-ºi refacã relaþiile politico-diplomatice ºi sã încheie acorduri ºi parteneriate cu alte state, mai ales cu Rusia, China, Republica Moldova. Reforma trebuie sã se producã ºi în agriculturã, zootehnie ºi silviculturã, pentru ca România sã devinã un exportator de produse alimentare ºi pentru a creºte nivelul de civilizaþie al zonelor rurale. Am atins ºi alte domenii de reformã: revoluþia verde, revoluþia industriilor de produse pentru consumul intern, reforma denumirii localitãþilor, protejarea patrimoniului cultural, acþiuni de civilizare pentru a înceta sã mai fim o þarã privitã la limita barbariei, reformarea mass-media. Decepþia populaþiei României faþã de clasa politicã, de sistemul juridic, de maniera de lucru a multor angajaþi din sectorul public etc., conduce la o singurã concluzie: cã sistemul actual de conducere politico-economicã a României nu va reuºi sã ducã la creºterea nivelului de trai dorit de români ºi, în consecinþã, sistemul politic de democraþie parlamentarã trebuie schimbat. Propunem, drept urmare, un alt model de guvernare pentru România, bazat pe democraþia directã, construit pe structura companiilor economice ºi al cãrui scop sã fie eficacitatea. Dacã acest model de guvernare va fi acceptat de populaþia României în cadrul unui referendum, se va declanºa procedura de elaborare a unei noi Constituþii, de cãtre o comisie alcãtuitã din specialiºti din domeniul legislativ, fãrã niciun fel de afiliere politicã, numiþi de Preºedintele României. Aceastã nouã Constituþie va sta la baza implementãrii modelului de guvernare. Democraþia directã oferã electoratului posibilitatea de a-ºi exercita prerogativele politice în mod direct, de a participa implicit la deciziile majore ale þãrii ºi de a vota în mod direct candidaþii pentru preºedinþie, parlament, prefecturi ºi primãrii; electoratul poate sã-ºi manifeste dreptul de veto privind unele legi, sã aprobe sau sã refuze eventualele schimbãri în Constituþia þãrii; eliminã controlul politic ºi influenþa directã a conducerii unui partid în detrimentul electoratului. Noul model de guvernare a României propus Modelul de guvernare inspirat din conducerea unei companii ne-a dus la urmãtoarea structurã de conducere: preºedinte, 1 prim-vicepreºedinte ºi 2 vicepreºedinþi, guvern alcãtuit din 11 miniºtri tehnocraþi ºi 11 miniºtri secretari de stat, ºefii structurilor administrative regionale (prefecturi) ºi locale (primãrii). Noua structurã este simplã, eficientã ºi necostisitoare ºi este verificabilã prin sistemul circularitãþii controlului instituþional. Principalele instituþii ale statului, aºa cum le prevede noul model de guvernare, în comparaþie cu situaþia existentã, pot fi vãzute în tabelul alãturat. Dacã aruncãm o privire peste întreaga construcþie de administrare a þãrii propusã, constatãm cã are loc de-politizarea ºi de-ideologizarea la toate nivelurile de conducere. Singura ideologie acceptatã în modelul de guvernare propus este interesul naþional. A fost înlãturat conceptul aberant ºi distrugãtor cã politicul trebuie sã subordoneze economicul. Instituþiile fundamentale ale statului sunt: Preºedintele României, Senatul României ºi Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului. Prima instituþie fundamentalã a statului este Instituþia Prezidenþialã. Noul model de guvernare se bazeazã pe republica prezidenþialã ca formã de guvernãmânt, condusã direct de un preºedinte, care este în acelaºi timp ºi ºeful guvernului, ales pentru un singur mandat de 6 ani. Preºedintele exercitã trei funcþii: funcþia de reprezentare, funcþia de promulgare ºi funcþia executivã. Preºedintele are puterea supremã în stat ºi prezintã anual în faþa Senatului, a Corpului Suprem de Control al Statului, a cabinetului, a prefecþilor, a unor organizaþii non-guvernamentale, a reprezentanþilor mass-media ºi a unor invitaþi (corpul diplomatic etc.) un raport referitor la starea naþiunii. Activitatea preºedintelui este controlatã în permanenþã de cãtre Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului. Preºedintele controleazã activitatea Senatului prin dreptul de veto pe care îl foloseºte atunci când promulgã legi ºi solicitã unele amendamente la legile votate de Senat. Preºedintele numeºte ºi are în subordine un prim-vicepre¬ºedinte ºi doi vicepreºedinþi. De asemenea, alcãtuieºte guvernul României, care va fi format din 11 miniºtri tehnocraþi. Guvernul României este autoritatea publicã a puterii executive care asigurã realizarea politicii interne ºi externe a þãrii ºi exercitã conducerea generalã a administraþiei publice. Asigurã funcþionarea echilibratã ºi dezvoltarea sistemului naþional economic ºi social, precum ºi racordarea acestuia la sistemul economic mondial în condiþiile promovãrii intereselor naþionale. Guvernul este condus direct de Preºedintele României ºi este format din 11 miniºtri ºi din alþi membri stabiliþi prin lege organicã. A doua instituþie fundamentalã a statului este Senatul, format din 49 de senatori (6 pentru fiecare prefecturã ºi 7 pentru Bucureºti, inclusiv Districtul Bucureºti). Senatul este unica autoritate legiuitoare a þãrii, care propune, schimbã ºi promulgã legi constituþionale, legi organice ºi legi ordinare. Mandatul senatorilor este de 6 ani, iar alegerile pentru Senat vor fi decalate faþã de alegerile generale organizate pentru aparatul administrativ, cu scopul de a se asigura continuitatea în administrarea þãrii. De preferinþã, alegerea Senatului va fi organizatã la jumãtatea mandatului preºedintelui, când are loc referendumul naþional de validare sau de invalidare a activitãþii instituþiilor statului. În subordinea Senatului funcþioneazã trei comisii speciale, ºi anume: Comisia Electoralã, Comisia de Elaborare a Standardelor ºi a Criteriilor de Selecþie ºi Comisia de Audit ºi de Monitorizare a Corpului Suprem de Control al Statului. Comisia Electoralã iniþiazã ºi controleazã din punct de vedere al respectãrii legii sistemul electoral, inclusiv organizarea referendumurilor la jumãtatea mandatului pentru cei aleºi (preºedinte, Senat, Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului, prefecþi ºi primari). Comisia Electoralã supravegheazã întregul proces electoral ºi sancþioneazã dacã au loc fenomene de corupþie electoralã sau alte abateri de la legea electoralã. Comisia de Elaborare a Standardelor ºi a Criteriilor de Selecþie va elabora setul de condiþii (standarde ºi criterii) separat pentru fiecare funcþie care intrã în disputa electoralã: un set pentru preºedinte, un set pentru senatori, altul pentru Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului, unul pentru prefect ºi un set pentru funcþia de primar. Fiecare cetãþean al României care doreºte sã acceadã la o funcþie publicã trebuie sã înainteze dosarul cãtre aceastã comisie pentru validarea intrãrii în campania electoralã. Oricine poate fi propus sau se poate autopropune sã candideze la o funcþie publicã, cu condiþia sã îndeplineascã toate standardele ºi criteriile impuse de aceastã comisie a Senatului. Comisia de Audit ºi de Monitorizare a Corpului Suprem de Control al Statului, aflatã în subordinea Senatului, monitorizeazã în mod direct activitatea Corpului Suprem de Control al Statului din punct de vedere al respectãrii programului de supraveghere a instituþiilor vizate ºi al aplicãrii normelor de control impuse ºi ia mãsuri de corectare a unor abateri de la aceste norme sau dacã apar abuzuri în actul de control. A treia instituþie fundamentalã a statului, reprezentând un concept politic cu totul nou, este Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului (CSCS). Este alcãtuit din 5 membri, care sunt în acelaºi timp ºefii celor cinci instituþii care intrã în sistemul de control (Curtea Constituþionalã, Consiliul Superior al Magistraturii, Curtea de Conturi, Garda Financiarã ºi Avocatul Poporului). Membrii CSCS sunt aleºi direct de cãtre electorat pe o perioadã de 6 ani. Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului numeºte la rândul sãu ºefii celor trei corpuri de control din subordine. Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului monitorizeazã ºi controleazã activitatea instituþiei prezidenþiale. Rezultatul acestei activitãþi este inserat într-un Raport de Control ce se înainteazã anual Senatului pentru informare ºi analizã cu privire la activitatea preºedintelui. În cazul când preºedintele nu respectã Constituþia, se abate flagrant de la planul de guvernare ºi de la administrarea bugetului sau sãvârºeºte abuzuri grave, atunci CSCS va propune Senatului demiterea lui. Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului va fi structurat pe trei componente: Corpul Naþional de Control al Statului (CNCS), specializat în monitorizarea aparatului central (guvern ºi instituþii ale acestuia); Corpul Regional de Control al Statului (CRCS), specializat pe monitorizarea prefecturilor, ºi Corpul Local de Control al Statului (CLCS), specializat pe monitorizarea primãriilor. CNCS înainteazã raportul de control preºedintelui, cu privire la activitatea miniºtrilor; CRCS înainteazã raportul de control prim-vicepreºedintelui cu privire la activitatea prefecþilor, iar CLCS înainteazã raportul de control prefecþilor cu privire la activitatea primarilor. Din cele prezentate mai sus se observã cã se respectã circularitatea controlului instituþional, ºi anume: preºedintele controleazã întreaga activitate de administrare a þãrii pe verticalã (guvern, prefecturi, primãrii), dar, în acelaºi timp, controleazã ºi activitatea Senatului prin exercitarea dreptului de veto asupra tuturor legilor votate de Senat ºi trimise preºedintelui spre promulgare. Senatul controleazã la rândul sãu activitatea preºedintelui prin intermediul CSCS, dar, în acelaºi timp, controleazã ºi activitatea întregului organism de control instituþional, prin Comisia de Audit ºi de Monitorizare a Corpului Suprem de Control al Statului de pe lângã Senat. Corpul Suprem de Control al Statului controleazã instituþia prezidenþialã, dar controleazã ºi guvernul prin CNCS, prefecturile prin CRCS ºi primãriile prin CLCS. Se observã cã nicio instituþie a statului nu se poate sustrage controlului organizat. Instituþiile care fac parte din administraþia publicã regionalã ºi localã sunt prefecturile ºi primãriile. Prefecturile sunt autoritãþile regionale cu autonomie proprie de funcþionare. Noua organizare administrativ-teritorialã va avea la bazã autonomia fiecãrei prefecturi ºi primãrii, al cãror rol primordial trebuie sã fie dezvoltarea economiei, a educaþiei ºi a culturii, þinând seama de specificul fiecãrei zone. Propunem înfiinþarea a opt regiuni, ca unitãþi teritoriale, pe baza celor 8 regiuni de dezvoltare deja existente, formate din câte 4-6 judeþe, în funcþie de tradiþia istoricã, de dimensiunea teritorialã ºi de numãrul de locuitori. Administrarea celor opt regiuni se poate realiza prin înfiinþarea a opt prefecturi. Prin aceasta împãrþire se eliminã judeþele ºi, ca atare, o buna parte din costurile enorme ale administraþiei þãrii. În noul model de guvernare au fost incluse 8 prefecturi corespunzãtoare celor 8 regiuni de dezvoltare: Ardealul de Nord, Banat, Oltenia, Ardealul de Sud, Muntenia, Moldova de Nord, Moldova de Sud ºi Dobrogea ºi Districtul Bucureºti. Dupã cum se observã, din motive de simplificare a aparatului administrativ-teritorial ºi de economisire a cheltuielilor bugetare, s-a redus numãrul prefecturilor de la 42 la 8. Prefectul este ales, ca ºi preºedintele, pentru un mandat de 6 ani, prin vot direct. Primãriile coordoneazã activitãþile de administraþie la nivelul fiecãrei localitãþi ºi vor fi conduse de un primar pentru maximum douã mandate a câte 6 ani. Primarii sunt aleºi prin vot direct, ca ºi prefecþii. Modelul de guvernare propus care se bazeazã pe democraþia directã utilizeazã referendumul ca mijloc de implicare a electoratului în procesul de administrare a þãrii. La trei ani de la alegerea aparatului de conducere a þãrii la nivel naþional, regional ºi local, se organizeazã un referendum de validare sau de invalidare a celor aleºi. Avantajele acestui nou sistem sunt multiple: eliminarea rolului nefast al politicului ºi al ideologiilor, primatul interesului naþional, subordonarea politicului faþã de economic, implicarea electoratului în administrarea þãrii, simplificarea structurii de guvernare a þãrii, descentralizarea administraþiei publice, controlul permanent între instituþiile statului, transparenþa actului de conducere, reducerea birocraþiei, substanþiale economii la buget, introducerea criteriilor de competenþã ºi de eficacitate în toate funcþiile publice, creºterea nivelului de trai, o nouã demnitate naþionalã. Aplicarea noului sistem de guvernare, precum ºi a propunerilor noastre privind diversele sectoare de activitate ar duce la o autenticã renaºtere naþionalã, la construirea, din ruinele prezentului, a unei naþiuni demne ºi prospere, care sã þinã capul sus în Europa ºi în lume, mândrã de trecutul, ca ºi de prezentul ei, de valorile ei culturale, de limba ei, de reprezentanþii ei din toate domeniile: NOUA ROMÂNIE. Romania – Now or Never! is the far from complete revelation of the evils of a deeply ailing society, the society created by the 40 years of Communism and the 20 years of post-Communism, and at the same time the configuration of a society whose creation lies in our power to bring about. This two-fold dimension, which also means the permanent shift between past-present and future, made us choose the effigy of Janus Bifrons, the two-faced Roman god, as the symbol of our approach. Our insights into the evolution of world politics and economy enabled us to analyse where we started from, what was good or bad in their evolution in the course of human history. We can thus have a clearer view of the reforms and political and administrative changes necessary to the achievement of a better, more efficient government system for Romania. Among the most important conclusions that can be reached: politics and the ideologies of some political parties had devastating effects on the world and its history; the socialist political and economic systems went invariably bankrupt; the involvement of politics in the economy repeatedly resulted in economic crises and disasters. The analysis of the main types of democratic government systems (parliamentary democracy, of the presidential and of the parliamentary kind, constitutional monarchy, and direct democracy) led us to the conclusion that the direct democracy is a superior system and its model can be considered the Swiss system. The other systems have major flaws, easy to notice especially in the context of the global economic crisis. Our analysis extends to the Romanian parliamentary democracy, whose drawbacks are the main cause of the political, economic, social, cultural and human disaster in which Romania finds herself today. Parliamentary democracy: a total failure of Romanian politics Along this whole period of parliamentary democracy, the Romanian politicians have been entirely caught in a futile war between parties, thus wasting hundreds/thousands of hours, conveniently forgetting that their role is to provide legislation and to administer/govern Romania. Instead of being involved in meeting the country’s needs, “our chosen ones” fight among themselves in order to satisfy their inflated egos. Within the Romanian parliamentary democracy, the national elections are a “horn of plenty”. They promise everything, but keeping promises is very rare indeed. Between elections, the Romanian electorate has no leverage to influence the decisions of the people they chose to represent them in the Parliament. That is the reason why “our chosen ones” believe that “your role is to choose us, ours is to decide at our will”. “Our chosen ones” are political go-getters, interested only in their privileges and in the benefits that come with their “profession”: huge salaries, brassy retirement benefits, cars, chauffeurs, bodyguards, bonuses, compensations, etc. To make matters worse, the Romanian Parliament is not functional, because the interest of “our chosen ones” is only to have economic benefits from the position of power they found themselves in: they mediate shady business, facilitate in exchange for commissions business deals for foreign investors, etc. How else could we explain their fabulous wealth, which defies both the law and common decency? The Romanian professional politicians are corrupt and they do not even have political colour: everything is for sale as far as they are concerned and they recognise only the colour of money. They have also introduced politics into the legal system, counteracting the action of bringing the great cases of corruption to justice. The Romanian system of parliamentary democracy turned all the values upside down: people of great value are prevented to get into Parliament by corrupt, immoral and incompetent individuals, who very often have police records for common law offences. If we were to draw a conclusion about the Romanian parliamentary democracy, we could assert that the governing body, the members of Parliament and their political cronies have plundered the country, sold her piece by piece, destroyed her environment, economy, justice, education, health, culture. Their main features are: corruption at all levels, demagogy, incompetence, cynically displayed wealth, lack of common decency, of knowledge, of manners. We have got to be, thanks to them, nobody’s country, a sort of colony that everybody extorts and manipulates at will. They have sold everything: the riches of the soil and of the subsoil, the fleet, profitable enterprises, strategic state utilities (electricity, water, communications). The Romanians’ rights have been sullied in all possible ways. Instead of marching towards civilisation, of making economic, social and cultural progress, we are fast heading for an abyss, the standard of living is on the decrease, and the persons of great intellectual capacity, specialists of great value in different areas leave the country in ever greater numbers. Thus we come to the question: why do we need political parties, politicians, the two chambers of the Parliament, while the interest and priorities of “our chosen ones” are not the voters and Romania’s economic growth, but only their personal interests and those of the party they represent? The country’s current state of affairs When making an analysis of Romania’s current state of affairs, we learn that our country’s government is a mixture of chaos and incompetence, without medium- and long-term plans, where political and economic corruption affects economic growth, and subsequently the standard of living. That is the reason why Romania’s credibility and image in the European Union and worldwide suffer visibly. We have called “rapes” the acts of the country’s wanton destruction. They were deliberately undertaken against Romania by the post-December 1989 politicians and by their economic henchmen: the rape undertaken by the political and economic oligarchs, the rape undertaken by our rulers and “chosen ones”, the rape of the “bugs” and “leeches”, the rape of bureaucracy, the rape against justice, the rape against public health, the rape against Romania’s brains, the gypsies’ rape against Romania, the rape against the Romanian language. It would be unfair not to recognise mass-media’s role in monitoring and revealing many of the politicians’ illegalities, but we also cannot overlook that all the types of Romanian media massively contributed to the citizens’ manipulation, to the creation of some false values and false perceptions. Independent media tends to disappear entirely, its place being taken by large media conglomerates, which are sometimes part of national or international corporations with other goals than the Romanian public’s accurate information or its education. The trade unions have also become, in Romania, political tools (trade union leaders got rich and acquired important political positions), being very far from protecting the real interests of the employees they represent. That is why we propose that they should be abolished, as in a society set on the right economic and social bases the employees’ interests are protected by other mechanisms. Ascertaining all the evils of today’s Romanian society, we have reached one conclusion only: THIS CANNOT GO ON ! The urgency to reform Romania’s economic and political system If we analyse Romania’s history of the last 100 years, we learn that only in the 1920-1939 period was there political and economic stability. After Romania’s reunification within her natural boundaries, King Ferdinand initiated a number of reforms, which resulted in the greatest economic, educational and cultural progress in the country’s history. People of great value from that period succeeded in making Romania the seventh economic power of Europe. And this was accomplished in 20 years only. So it can be done! Romania’s disastrous situation of today makes it necessary for urgent reforms to be undertaken, beginning with the de-politization and de-idelogization of society. The political parties, this “necessary evil” cannot justify their existence in society any more. The abolishment of the parties and the de-politization of society would in point of fact represent the regaining of civil freedom form the hands of career politicians. The politicians are to blame for their major contribution to the country’s disaster, indifference to the national interest, lack of consideration to the electoral body, serious corruption deeds and gross incompetence. Romania’s reformation and modernization can be achieved by the following measures: abolishment of political parties and the country’s de-ideologization; adoption of direct democracy; Romania’s modernization (by adopting effective economic mechanisms, eliminating tax evasion, reducing excessive taxation, privatizing all the national organisms and agencies, decentralizing public administration and a clear and exact ascertaining of revenue sources for the government, prefectures and local mayoralties, introducing order and efficiency in checking the expenditures for the government, prefectures and local mayoralties, complete modernization of activities in the public administration sector, introducing cost and quality standards, reformation and de-politization of the judiciary system, modernizing the education system at all levels, modernizing infrastructure). The implementation of the reforms would lead to: simplification of the country’s organizing, political and administrative activities, diminished budget expenses, urgent development, by using the funds thus saved, of infrastructure, education and public health, reduction of budget deficit, increased standard of living. It is also necessary to implement a medium- and long-term strategy for Romania’s international policy, adapted to the new conditions, of changing balance of forces on the global political scene. Romania has to restore her political and diplomatic relations and to close agreements and partnerships with other states, especially with Russia, China and the Republic of Moldavia. The reforms must also occur in agriculture, zooculture and sylviculture, so as Romania could become an exporter of foods and increase the level of civilisation in the rural areas. We have also touched upon other reform sectors: the green revolution, the revolution of industries for domestic consumption products, the reform of localities’ names, the protection of the cultural heritage, civilizing measures so that we should cease to be seen as a country bordering barbarity, mass-media reform. The disappointment of Romania’s population with the political class, with the juridical system, with the way many public sector employee work, etc. leads to one conclusion only: the country’s current system of political and economic management will not be able to result in the increase of the standard of living that the Romanians yearn for, and, consequently, the political system of parliamentary democracy must be changed. As a result, we propose another model of government for Romania, based on direct democracy, built on the structure of economic companies, whose goal must be efficiency. If this model of government will be accepted by the Romanian citizens within a referendum, this will lead, as the next step, to the procedure of drafting another Constitution, by a commission made up of specialists in the legislative field, without any political affiliation, appointed by the President of Romania. This new Constitution will regulate the implementation of the new model of government. Direct democracy gives the electorate the opportunity of exercising their political prerogatives directly, of implicitly participating in the major decisions involving the country and of directly voting the candidates for presidency, Parliament, prefectures and mayoralties; the electorate may exercise their veto right on some laws, may approve or refuse potential changes in the country’s Constitution. Direct democracy eliminates the political control and the direct influence of a party’s leadership to the detriment of the electorate. The new model of governing Romania The model of government inspired by the management of a company led us to the following structure of leadership: president, one prime-vice-president and two vice-presidents, a cabinet made up of 11 technocrat ministers and 11 secretaries of state, the heads of the regional (prefectures) and local (mayoralties) administrative structures. The new structure is simple, efficient and inexpensive and it is verifiable by the system of institutional control circularity. The main institutions of the states, as part of the new model of government, compared to the present state of things, can be seen in the adjoining table. If we cast a look over the entire construction of the country’s management proposed here, we find out that its main feature is the de-politization and de-ideologization at all levels. The only ideology accepted in the model of government proposed is the national interest. We have eliminated the senseless and destructive concept that the economy must be subordinated to politics. The basic institutions of the state are: the President of Romania, the Senate of Romania and the Supreme Control Board of the State. The first fundamental institution of the state is the Presidential Institution. The new model of government is based on the presidential republic as the form of government, directly led by a president, who is also the head of the cabinet and is elected for one 6-year mandate only. The President exercises three functions: representation, promulgation and executive power. The President holds supreme power in the state and he/she presents an annual report concerning the state of the nation in front of the Senate, the Supreme Control Board of the State, the cabinet, the prefects, some non-governmental organisations, mass-media representatives and some guests (the diplomatic corps, etc.) The President’s activity is permanently under the control of the Supreme Control Board of the State. The President controls the activity of the Senate by his/her veto right, used when he/she promulgates laws or asks for amendments to the bills passed in the Senate. The president appoints and coordinates one prime-vice-president and two vice-presidents. He/She also forms the Government of Romania, which will be made up of 11 technocrat ministers. The Government of Romania is the public authority of the executive power ensuring the accomplishment of the country’s domestic and foreign policy and exercises the general management of public administration. It ensures the balanced working and the development of the national economic and social system, as well as its connection to the global economic system, on condition that national interests be promoted. The Government is directly coordinated by the President of Romania and is made up of 11 ministers and other members, stipulated by an organic law. The second fundamental institution of the state is the Senate, made up of 49 senators (6 for each prefecture and 7 for Bucharest, including the District of Bucharest). The Senate is the only legislative authority of the country, which proposes, amends and passes constitutional, organic and ordinary laws. The senators’ mandate lasts for 6 years, and there will be a time difference between the elections for the Senate and the general elections for the administration, with a view to ensuring continuity in the country’s management. Preferably, the elections for the Senate will be organised halfway through the President’s mandate, when the national referendum for the validation or invalidation of the state institutions’ activity is to take place. There are three special commissions under the subordination of the Senate, as follows: the Electoral Commission, the Commission for the Elaboration of Standards and Selection Criteria and the Commission of Auditing and Monitoring the Supreme Control Board of the State. The Electoral Commission initiates and monitors, from the point of view of law observance, the electoral system, including the organization of referendums halfway through the mandate for those elected (President, Senate, Supreme Control Board of the State, prefects and mayors). The Electoral Commission supervises the entire electoral process and gives sanctions if there are phenomena of electoral corruption or other breaches of the electoral law. The Commission for the Elaboration of Standards and Selection Criteria will draw up a separate set of conditions (standards and criteria) for each of the offices that are the object of electoral confrontation: one set for the President, one set for the senators, another one for the Supreme Control Board of the State, another one for the prefects, and still another one for the mayors. Each citizen of Romania who wishes to hold a public office must submit their file to this commission, which validates their participation in the electoral campaign. Anybody can be proposed or can propose themselves for candidature to a public office, provided they meet all the standards and criteria established by this commission of the Senate. The Commission of Auditing and Monitoring the Supreme Control Board of the State, subordinated to the Senate, directly monitors the activity of the Supreme Control Board of the State as to the observance of the monitoring schedule for the institutions under survey and of the implementation of the imposed norms of control. It takes remedial measures for some breaches of the norms or if there are abuses within the control activity. The third fundamental institution of the state, representing an entirely new political concept, is the Supreme Control Board of the State (CSCS). It is made up of 5 members, who are at the same time the heads of the five institutions which are involved in the control system (Constitutional Court, Superior Council of Magistracy, Court of Accounts, Financial Guard and the Ombudsman). The CSCS members are directly elected by the citizens for a 6-year period. The Supreme Control Board of the State appoints in its turn the heads of the three control boards subordinated to it. The Supreme Control Board of the Stat monitors and controls the activity of the Presidential Institution. The result of this activity is inserted in a Control Report, which is annually submitted to the Senate for information and analysis concerning the President’s activity. In case the President does not observe the Constitution, obviously departs from the government plan and from the management of the budget, or commits serious misdemeanours, then CSCS will propose his/her impeachment to the Senate. The Supreme Control Board of the State will be structured in three components: the National Control Board of the State, specialising in monitoring the central organisms (the government and its institutions); the Regional Control Board of the State (CRCS), specialising in monitoring the activity of prefectures, and the Local Control Board of the State (CLCS), specialising in monitoring mayoralties. CNCS submits its control report, concerning the ministers’ activity, to the President; CRCS submits the control report, concerning the prefects’ activity, to the prime-vice-president; and CLCS submits its control report, concerning the mayors’ activity, to the prefects. From the above-mentioned elements, one can see that the model observes the circularity of institutional control, as follows: the President controls the entire administrative activity of the country vertically (government, prefectures, mayoralties), but, at the same time, also controls the activity of the Senate by exercising his/her veto right on all the laws passed in the Senate and sent to the President to be enacted. In its turn, the Senate controls the activity of the President by means of CSCS, but, at the same time, also controls the activity of the whole body of institutional control, by the Commission of Auditing and Monitoring the Supreme Control Board of the State, subordinated to the Senate. The Supreme Control Board of the State controls the Presidential Institution, but also the government by means of CNSC, the prefectures by CRCS, and the mayoralties by means of CLCS. It is to be noted that no state institution can evade organised control. The institutions which are part of the regional and local public administration are the prefectures and the mayoralties. The prefectures are regional authorities with their own functioning autonomy. The new administrative and territorial organisation will be based on the autonomy of each prefecture and mayoralty, whose primary role must be the development of the economy, education and culture, taking into account the characteristics of each area. We propose that there should be set up eight regions as territorial units, based on the 8 regions already in existence, made up of 4-6 counties, depending on their historical tradition, territorial size and number of inhabitants. The administration of the eight regions may be achieved by the establishment of eight prefectures. This partition eliminates the counties, and, as a result, a great part of the enormous costs of the country’s administration. The new model of government includes 8 prefectures, corresponding to the 8 development regions: Ardealul de Nord, Banat, Oltenia, Ardealul de Sud, Muntenia, Moldova de Nord, Moldova de Sud ºi Dobrogea and the District of Bucharest. As it is to be noted, the number of prefectures was reduced from 42 to 8, out of the necessity to simplify the administrative and territorial body. The prefect is elected, the same as the President, for a 6-year mandate, by direct vote. The mayoralties coordinate the administrative activities at the level of each locality and they will be headed by a mayor for at most two 6-year mandates. The mayors are elected by direct vote, the same as the prefects. The model of government proposed, based on direct democracy, uses the referendum as a means of involving the electorate in the administrative process of the country. Three years after the election of the country’s leadership at the national, regional and local levels, a referendum is organised, with a view to validating or invalidating those elected. The advantages of this new system are numerous: elimination of the ill-fated role of politics and ideologies, priority of national interest, subordination of politics to the economy, the electorate’s involvement in the country’s administration, a simpler governing structure, decentralisation of public administration, permanent control between the institutions of the state, transparency of leadership, reduction of bureaucracy, considerable budget savings, introduction of competence and efficiency criteria for all the public offices, an increased standard of living, a new national dignity. The implementation of the new model of government and also of our proposals concerning the different sectors of activity would result in a genuine national revival, in the building, out of the ruins of the present, of a dignified and thriving nation, able to keep her head up in Europe and worldwide, proud of her past as well as of her present, of her cultural values, of her language, of her representatives in all the fields: THE NEW ROMANIA. La Roumanie – maintenant ou jamais – est un ouvrage qui, loin d’être complet, se propose de présenter une société profondément malade, société créée par les 40 années de communisme et les 20 années de post-communisme et, en même temps, la configuration d’une société que nous avons tous la volonté de créer. Cette double dimension, qui signifie aussi une oscillation constante entre passé-présent et futur, nous a déterminés de choisir l’effigie de Janus Bifrons, le dieu latin à deux visages, comme symbole de notre démarche. Les incursions dans l’évolution de la politique et de l’économie mondiale nous ont donné la possibilité d’analyser notre point de départ, ce qui a été positif ou négatif dans leur évolution le long de l’histoire humaine, pour nous former une idée claire concernant les réformes et les changements politiques et administratifs nécessaires à la création d’un système politique supérieur, plus efficient, capable de gouverner la Roumanie. Parmi les plus importantes conclusions qui s’imposent; la politique et les idéologies de certains partis politiques ont eu des suites dévastatrices sur le monde et l’histoire mondiale; les systèmes politico-économiques socialistes ont tous mené à la faillite. L’implication du politique dans l’économie a généré des crises et désastres économiques répétés. L’analyse des principaux types de systèmes de gouvernement démocratiques (démocratie parlementaire de type présidentiel et de type parlementaire, monarchie constitutionnelle et démocratie directe) nous a conduits à la conclusion de la supériorité de la démocratie directe dont le modèle est le système suisse. Ces systèmes ont des désavantages majeurs, facile à remarquer surtout dans le contexte de l’actuelle crise économique mondiale L’analyse s’étend sur la démocratie parlementaire dont les disfonctionnements sont la principale cause du désastre politique, économique, social, culturel et humain dans lequel se trouve la Roumanie d’aujourd’hui. La démocratie parlementaire: un échec total de la politique roumaine Dans cette période de démocratie parlementaire, les politiciens roumains sont totalement engagés dans une stérile guerre politique entre les partis, gaspillant leur temps, oubliant que leur devoir est législatif et administratif, qu’ils ont l’obligation de légiférer. Au lieu de s’occuper des intérêts du pays « nos élus » luttent pour satisfaire leur orgueil sans limite. Dans la démocratie parlementaire de Roumanie, les élections nationales sont une « corne d’abondance ». On promet tout, mais tenir promesse est chose rare. Entre deux élections, l’électorat roumain n’a aucune possibilité d’influencer les décisions de ses représentants au Parlement. C’est pourquoi « nos élus » croient que « votre rôle est de nous élire, le nôtre étant de décider ce que nous désirons ». Nos élus ne sont que des arrivistes politiques, intéressés exclusivement par les privilèges et les bénéfices engendrés par cette profession: grands salaires, des retraites « gênantes », voitures, chauffeurs, gardes du corps, primes compensatrices, etc. De plus, le Parlement de la Roumanie n’est pas fonctionnel parce que l’unique intérêt des élus se limitent au bénéfice économique de la position qu’ils détiennent; ils deviennent intermédiaires dans certaines affaires, facilitent en échange de pots de vin des investisseurs étrangers. Comment pourrait-on expliquer autrement leur fortunes fabuleuses qui défient la loi, le bon sens? Les politiciens roumains professionnels sont corrompus et n’ont pas de couleur politique; tout est à vendre pour eux, l’argent n’a pas de couleur ni d’odeur. De même ils ont politisé notre système juridique, bloquant la justice dans le cas de la grande corruption. Dans le système de démocratie parlementaire roumain on assiste à une chute des valeurs; les gens compétents sont empêchés d’arriver au Parlement par des gens corrompus, immoraux et incompétents, qui faisant souvent l’objet de poursuites judiciaires. On peut affirmer que les gouvernants, les parlementaires et leur clientèle politique ont pillé le pays, l’ont mis à l’encan, ont détruit l’environnement, l’économie, la justice, l’enseignement, la santé, la culture. Ils s’appuient surtout sur la corruption à tous les niveaux, la démagogie, l’incompétence, l’enrichissement étalé avec cynisme, le manque de bon sens, l’inculture, le manque d’éducation. A cause d’eux, la Roumanie est devenue le pays de personne, une sorte de colonie que nul ne reconnaît, mais que tous volent et manipulent à volonté. On a tout vendu; les richesses du sol et du sous-sol, la flotte, les entreprises profitables, les régies autonomes stratégiques (énergie électrique, eau, communications). On a bafoué les droits des Roumains de toutes les manières possibles. Au lieu de nous diriger vers la civilisation, de progresser du point de vue économique, social et culturel, nous marchons vers l’abîme, le niveau de vie baisse sans cesse et les capacités intellectuelles, les spécialistes dans divers domaines quittent le pays par milliers. Et alors, nous nous posons la question; pourquoi a-t-on besoin de partis politiques, de politiciens, de deux chambres au Parlement quand les intérêts et les priorités de « nos élus » ne sont pas l’électorat et le développement économique de la Roumanie mais seulement leurs propres intérêts et ceux du parti qu’ils représentent? L’état actuel du pays Lorsqu’au la situation actuelle de la Roumanie, on constate que le gouvernement du pays est un amalgame de chaos et d’incompétence, incapable de concevoir des projets de développement à terme moyen et à long terme, où la corruption politique et économique influencent négativement l’accroissement économique et implicitement le niveau de vie. C’est pourquoi la crédibilité et l’image de la Roumanie dans l’Union Européenne et dans le monde entier sont visiblement affectées. Sont considérées « viols » les actions de destruction irresponsables du pays. Elles ont été commises délibérément par des politiciens post-décembristes et leurs comparses économiques; le viol fait par des oligarchies politico-économiques, le viol fait par des gouvernants et « nos élus », le viol des ressources nationales, le viol par des « sangsues » et autres « insectes », le viol par l’appareil bureaucratique, le viol de la justice, le viol de la santé, le viol des capacités intellectuelles, le viol de la Roumanie fait par les gitans, le viol de la langue roumaine. Il serait injuste de ne pas reconnaître le rôle des medias, celui qui monitorisent et qui révèlent un grand nombre d’illégalités commises par les politiciens mais on ne peut pas omettre non plus le fait que tous les types de mass media de Roumanie ont eu une contribution importante dans la manipulation des citoyens, dans la création de fausses valeurs et fausses perceptions. Les médias indépendants ont la tendance de disparaître, leur place étant prise par les grandes entreprises médiatiques contrôlées parfois par des corporations nationales et internationales qui n’ont pas pour objectifs d’informer correctement et d’éduquer le peuple roumain. De même les syndicats sont devenus en Roumanie des outils politiques (les leaders se sont enrichis et ont réussi à accéder à d’importantes fonctions politiques) qui sont loin de défendre les intérêts réels des employés qu’ils représentent. C’est pourquoi nous proposons leur dissolution, parce que dans une société fondée sur des bases économiques et sociales correctes, les intérêts des employés sont défendus par d’autres mécanismes. Constatant tous ces aspects graves de la société roumaine actuelle, nous sommes arrivés à une seule conclusion: CELA NE PEUT PLUS DURER ! La nécessité de réformer le système économique et politique de la Roumanie Si l’on analyse l’histoire de la Roumanie depuis cent ans, on constate que seulement entre 1920-1939 il y a eu stabilité économique et politique. Après avoir réalisé l’union de la Roumanie dans les frontières normales, le roi Ferdinand a initié une série de reformes ayant pour résultat le plus grand progrès économique, éducationnel et culturel. Des gens de grande valeur ont réussi à faire de Roumanie la septième puissance économique européenne. Et tout cela en 20 ans seulement. L’était donc possible. La situation désastreuse de la Roumanie d’aujourd’hui rend nécessaire l’adoption d’urgence de certaines reformes en commençant par la dépolitisation et désidéologisation de la société. Les partis politiques, ce « mal nécessaire », ne justifient plus leur existence dans la société. L’élimination des partis et la dépolitisation de la société représenteraient en fait le regain de la liberté citoyenne, arrachée aux mains des politiciens professionnels. Les politiciens ont largement contribué au désastre du pays, au viol de l’intérêt national, au manque de respect en face de l’électorat, à la corruption et à l’incompétence. La réforme et la modernisation de la Roumanie peuvent être réalisées par les mesures suivantes: élimination des partis politiques et désidéologisation du pays; introduction de la démocratie directe; modernisation de la Roumanie (adoption de mécanismes économiques efficients, élimination de l’évasion fiscale, réduction de la fiscalité, privatisation de tous les organismes et agences nationales, décentralisation de l’administration publique et établissement clair et précis des ressources du gouvernement, des préfectures, des mairies, introduction de l’ordre et de l’efficacité dans la vérification des dépenses du gouvernement, des préfectures et des mairies, entière modernisation de l’activité du secteur administratif public, introduction d’un standard de coût et de qualité, réforme et dépolitisation du système judiciaire, modernisation de l’enseignement de tout degré, modernisation de l’infrastructure. L’application des réformes aurait comme résultat: la simplification des activités organisationnelles et administratives du pays, la réduction des dépenses budgétaires, le développement en régime d’urgence, par l’utilisation des fonds épargnés, de l’infrastructure, de l’éducation et de la santé publique, la baisse du déficit budgétaire, la hausse du niveau de vie. Il est également nécessaire d’introduire une stratégie politique internationale de la Roumanie à moyen et long terme, adaptée au changement dans l’équilibre des forces dans le monde. La Roumanie doit refaire ses relations politiques et diplomatiques et conclure des accords et partenariats avec d’autres pays, surtout avec la Russie, la Chine, la République de Moldavie. La réforme doit se produire aussi dans l’agriculture, la zootechnie et la sylviculture, pour que la Roumanie devienne un exportateur de produits alimentaires et pour élever le niveau de civilisation des zones rurales. Autres domaines de réforme: la révolution verte, la révolution des industries des produits pour la consommation interne, la réforme de la dénomination des localités, la protection du patrimoine culturel, les actions de civilisation pour que la Roumanie ne soit plus considérée un pays à la limite de la barbarie, la réforme des médias. La déception de la population de la Roumanie concernant la classe politique, le système juridique, la manière de travailler de beaucoup d’employés du secteur public, etc., conduisent à une seule et unique conclusion: que le système politique et économique actuel de la Roumanie ne débouchera pas sur la hausse du niveau de vie désirée par les Roumains et, par conséquent, qu’on doit changer le système politique de démocratie parlementaire. Nous proposons donc un autre modèle de gouvernement en Roumanie fondé sur la démocratie directe, sur la structure des compagnies économiques et dont le but doit être l’efficacité. Si ce modèle de gouvernement est accepté par la population de la Roumanie par référendum. Une commission formée de spécialistes dans le domaine législatif sans attache politique, nommé par le Président de la Roumanie, procédera à l’élaboration d’une nouvelle Constitution. Cette Constitution permettra de mettre en place un nouveau modèle de gouvernement. La démocratie directe offre à l’électorat la possibilité d’exercer ses prérogatives politiques de manière directe, de participer implicitement aux décisions majeures du pays et de voter directement les candidats à la présidence, parlement, préfectures et mairies. L’électorat peut manifester son droit de veto contre certaines lois approuvées ou refuser les éventuels changements dans la Constitution du pays; éliminer le contrôle politique et l’influence directe d’un parti au détriment de l’électorat. Le nouveau modèle de gouvernement de la Roumanie Le modèle de gouvernement inspiré par la direction d’une compagnie nous a conduits &am

Contact | Politica de confidentialitate | Termeni de utilizare | Harta sitului
IRECSON 2007